我哥就叙利亚问题发表全国讲话

楼主^#

更多发布于：2013-09-11 21:19

贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马

北京时间11日上午，美总统奥巴马就叙利亚问题发表讲话。讲话中，奥巴马解释了他在叙利亚问题上的立场转变，强调目前正在与俄罗斯合作促使叙政权放弃化学武器。
My fellow Americans, tonight I want to talk to you about Syria -- why it matters, and where we go from here.
我的美国同胞们，今晚我想和你们谈论叙利亚问题，说说为什么该问题如此重要，而我们又应该如何应对。
Over the past two years, what began as a series of peaceful protests against the repressive regime of Bashar al-Assad has turned into a brutal civil war. Over 100,000 people have been killed. Millions have fled the country. In that time, America has worked with allies to provide humanitarian support, to help the moderate opposition, and to shape a political settlement. But I have resisted calls for military action, because we cannot resolve someone else’s civil war through force, particularly after a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan.
在过去两年中，一系列针对阿萨德政权的和平抗议活动开启了叙利亚乱局，但后来却演变成一场残酷的内战，并造成超过10万人遇难，同时出现数百万难民。在那段时间，美国和其盟国在向叙利亚提供人道主义援助，以帮助温和的反对派，以期达成政治和解，而我也拒绝使用武力，因为我们不能通过武力手段去解决他国的内战，特别是在经历了伊拉克和阿富汗战争之后。
The situation profoundly changed, though, on August 21st, when Assad’s government gassed to death over a thousand people, including hundreds of children. The images from this massacre are sickening: Men, women, children lying in rows, killed by poison gas. Others foaming at the mouth, gasping for breath. A father clutching his dead children, imploring them to get up and walk. On that terrible night, the world saw in gruesome detail the terrible nature of chemical weapons, and why the overwhelming majority of humanity has declared them off-limits -- a crime against humanity, and a violation of the laws of war.
2013年8月21日，事情发生了重大变化，因为阿萨德政府使用化学武器造成至少1000人死亡，还包括数百名儿童。屠杀的场景让人恶心：被毒气杀死的男性、女性以及幼儿成排而倒，另有人口吐白沫奋力呼吸，还有一位父亲抱住他怀中死去的孩子们，恳求他们活过来。在那个恐怖的夜晚，全世界都已经看到了化学武器可怕的面孔，而这也是为什么阿萨德政权践踏人权之举踩入了禁区，犯下了反人类罪、战争罪。
This was not always the case. In World War I, American GIs were among the many thousands killed by deadly gas in the trenches of Europe. In World War II, the Nazis used gas to inflict the horror of the Holocaust. Because these weapons can kill on a mass scale, with no distinction between soldier and infant, the civilized world has spent a century working to ban them. And in 1997, the United States Senate overwhelmingly approved an international agreement prohibiting the use of chemical weapons, now joined by 189 governments that represent 98 percent of humanity.
一战期间，包括美国士兵在内的数千人在欧洲战线上被毒气杀死。在二战期间，纳粹用毒气制造了恐怖的屠杀。化学武器可以制造大规模杀死，而且不管被攻击者是士兵还是无辜之人。文明世界已经花费了一个世纪的时间来禁止化武。1997年，美国参院压倒性地通过了禁止使用化武的国际协定，现在已经有189个国家加入了该协定。

On August 21st, these basic rules were violated, along with our sense of common humanity. No one disputes that chemical weapons were used in Syria. The world saw thousands of videos, cell phone pictures, and social media accounts from the attack, and humanitarian organizations told stories of hospitals packed with people who had symptoms of poison gas.
今年8月21日，最基本的原则、人性都遭到了挑战。无人质疑叙利亚境内使用过化学武器。数千份的影像、图片都记录下了攻击时的惨状，同时人权组织也向世人描述了医院中遭到毒气攻击的受害者症状。
Moreover, we know the Assad regime was responsible. In the days leading up to August 21st, we know that Assad’s chemical weapons personnel prepared for an attack near an area where they mix sarin gas. They distributed gasmasks to their troops. Then they fired rockets from a regime-controlled area into 11 neighborhoods that the regime has been trying to wipe clear of opposition forces. Shortly after those rockets landed, the gas spread, and hospitals filled with the dying and the wounded. We know senior figures in Assad’s military machine reviewed the results of the attack, and the regime increased their shelling of the same neighborhoods in the days that followed. We’ve also studied samples of blood and hair from people at the site that tested positive for sarin.
同时，我们也知道是阿萨德政府所为。8月21日之前，阿萨德的化学武器部队为准备攻击混兑了沙林毒气，并分发了防毒面具。然后，该部队向附近11个反对派集中地点发射了火箭弹。随着，火箭弹攻击到位，毒气随之扩散，造成大量人员伤亡。我们知道，阿萨德政府的高级官员对此次攻击进行评估后，继续在这11个地区集中火力强攻。我们检测了事发地遗留的血迹和头发之后，得出的结论指向了“沙林毒气”。
When dictators commit atrocities, they depend upon the world to look the other way until those horrifying pictures fade from memory. But these things happened. The facts cannot be denied. The question now is what the United States of America, and the international community, is prepared to do about it. Because what happened to those people -- to those children -- is not only a violation of international law, it’s also a danger to our security.
当独裁者实施了暴行，他们仅指望世界将在他日会将事情慢慢淡忘，但是事情已然发生过，事实便不容辩驳。现在所面临的问题则是美国和国际社会将如何处理此事，因为对于受害的人民来说，这不仅是违背了国际法，同时也是为我们安全的威胁。
Let me explain why. If we fail to act, the Assad regime will see no reason to stop using chemical weapons. As the ban against these weapons erodes, other tyrants will have no reason to think twice about acquiring poison gas, and using them. Over time, our troops would again face the prospect of chemical warfare on the battlefield. And it could be easier for terrorist organizations to obtain these weapons, and to use them to attack civilians.
其中原因就是，如果我们无所作为，阿萨德政府便不会停止使用化学武器。如果化武禁令不起作用，其他的暴政也会心生使用化武的想法，那么我们的部队还将再次面对化武的威胁，同时恐怖分子也会对化武心生觊觎之心，并用它们攻击平民。

If fighting spills beyond Syria’s borders, these weapons could threaten allies like Turkey, Jordan, and Israel. And a failure to stand against the use of chemical weapons would weaken prohibitions against other weapons of mass destruction, and embolden Assad’s ally, Iran -- which must decide whether to ignore international law by building a nuclear weapon, or to take a more peaceful path.
如果战斗在叙利亚边境打响，化武还可能对我们的盟友土耳其、以色列、约旦造成威胁。如果未能坚决反对使用化学武器的行为，针对其他大规模杀伤性武器的禁令效果也将被削弱，同时还会助长阿萨德的盟友——伊朗的“核野心”。伊朗必须做出决定，是选择无视国际法建造核武器，还是选择走一条和平的道路。
This is not a world we should accept. This is what’s at stake. And that is why, after careful deliberation, I determined that it is in the national security interests of the United States to respond to the Assad regime’s use of chemical weapons through a targeted military strike. The purpose of this strike would be to deter Assad from using chemical weapons, to degrade his regime’s ability to use them, and to make clear to the world that we will not tolerate their use.
这不是我们应该接受的世界。这就是我们所面临的危急关头。这就是为什么，在我经过深思熟虑后，决定为了美国的安全利益必须对叙利亚化武事件作出回应、进行军事干预的原因。军事打击的目的是为了阻止叙总统阿萨德为维系其统治而使用化学武器，我们需要让世界明白，这一方法是不可容忍的。
That's my judgment as Commander-in-Chief. But I’m also the President of the world’s oldest constitutional democracy. So even though I possess the authority to order military strikes, I believed it was right, in the absence of a direct or imminent threat to our security, to take this debate to Congress. I believe our democracy is stronger when the President acts with the support of Congress. And I believe that America acts more effectively abroad when we stand together.
这就是我作为总司令的判断。然而，作为世界上最古老的宪政民主国家的总统，尽管我拥有下令进行军事打击的权利，但在美国安全没有遭到直接急迫的威胁下，我愿将这一做法提交至国会辩论。我相信，当总统的决定受到国会支持，美式民主会更强大。我相信，当我们团结一致，美国在海外的行动会更有成效。
This is especially true after a decade that put more and more war-making power in the hands of the President, and more and more burdens on the shoulders of our troops, while sidelining the people’s representatives from the critical decisions about when we use force.
尤其在近十年来，美国总统拥有更多的战争发动权、军队的重担越来越大，在何时动用武力的关键决策上，却置民意于不顾。

Now, I know that after the terrible toll of Iraq and Afghanistan, the idea of any military action, no matter how limited, is not going to be popular. After all, I've spent four and a half years working to end wars, not to start them. Our troops are out of Iraq. Our troops are coming home from Afghanistan. And I know Americans want all of us in Washington- especially me -- to concentrate on the task of building our nation here at home: putting people back to work, educating our kids, growing our middle class.It’s no wonder, then, that you're asking hard questions. So let me answer some of the most important questions that I've heard from members of Congress, and that I've read in letters that you've sent to me.
现如今，我明白伊拉克和阿富汗战争阴影犹存，无论军事行动规模如何被限制，都不受欢迎。无论如何，我已花了4年半事件结束战争，而不是开动战争。我们的部队已从伊拉克撤回，并即将从阿富汗回家。我明白，美国民众希望我们所有人都能将重心放在国家建设上，让人们回乡工作，教育子女，发展中产阶级，我更是如此认为。毫无疑问，你们问的是极难回答的问题，现在让我来对其中一些重要问题作答。这些问题，我从国会议员口中听说，也从你们给我的信件中读到。
First, many of you have asked, won’t this put us on a slippery slope to another war? One man wrote to me that we are “still recovering from our involvement in Iraq.” A veteran put it more bluntly: “This nation is sick and tired of war.”
首先，不少人问：这一行动是否会让美国滑入另一个战争深渊？有人写信告诉我，我们在伊拉克仍无法脱身；一名老兵则更直白地说：这国家厌倦了战争。
My answer is simple: I will not put American boots on the ground in Syria. I will not pursue an open-ended action like Iraq or Afghanistan. I will not pursue a prolonged air campaign like Libya or Kosovo. This would be a targeted strike to achieve a clear objective: deterring the use of chemical weapons, and degrading Assad’s capabilities.
我的回答很简单：我不会让美国的脚踏入叙利亚的国土。我不会追求如伊拉克或阿富汗的开放式行动。我也不会采取类似利比亚或科索沃的长期空中打击。这次军事行动目标明确，即阻止阿萨德政权使用化学武器，并打击这一能力。
Others have asked whether it's worth acting if we don’t take out Assad. As some members of Congress have said, there’s no point in simply doing a “pinprick” strike in Syria.
还有人问，如果我们不寻求阿萨德下台，那这样做是否有必要。一些国会议员说，仅对叙利亚采取“针刺式打击”是否有效。

Let me make something clear: The United States military doesn’t do pinpricks. Even a limited strike will send a message to Assad that no other nation can deliver. I don't think we should remove another dictator with force -- we learned from Iraq that doing so makes us responsible for all that comes next. But a targeted strike can make Assad, or any other dictator, think twice before using chemical weapons.
让我们搞清楚这点：美国军方不会采取“针刺式”行动。每次有限的打击都在向阿萨德传递信息，而其他国家无法做到这些。我认为我们无法仅凭武力就将独裁者拉下台，我们从伊拉克战争中学到了这点，而这将令我们为今后所有发生的事情负责。但对叙利亚进行有目的的打击，将让任何独裁者在使用化学武器时三思而后行。
Other questions involve the dangers of retaliation. We don’t dismiss any threats, but the Assad regime does not have the ability to seriously threaten our military. Any other retaliation they might seek is in line with threats that we face every day. Neither Assad nor his allies have any interest in escalation that would lead to his demise. And our ally, Israel, can defend itself with overwhelming force, as well as the unshakeable support of the United States of America.
其他问题涉及遭到报复的危险。我们不会排除任何威胁，但阿萨德政权没有能力对我军构成严重威胁。他们或许会寻求其他方式的复仇，但这是我们每天都在面对的威胁。无论阿萨德还是他的盟友都不会有兴趣加速自己的灭亡。同时，我们的盟友以色列也能保卫自身，也会不加动摇地支持美国。
Many of you have asked a broader question: Why should we get involved at all in a place that's so complicated, and where -- as one person wrote to me -- “those who come after Assad may be enemies of human rights?” It’s true that some of Assad’s opponents are extremists. But al Qaeda will only draw strength in a more chaotic Syria if people there see the world doing nothing to prevent innocent civilians from being gassed to death. The majority of the Syrian people -- and the Syrian opposition we work with -- just want to live in peace, with dignity and freedom. And the day after any military action, we would redouble our efforts to achieve a political solution that strengthens those who reject the forces of tyranny and extremism.
很多人还有一个更宽泛的疑问：为什么我们要卷入如此复杂的地区形势？就如同一个人写信讯问，阿萨德和那些追随他的人是否是人权的敌人？对此我想说，部分阿萨德的对手是极端分子。如果人们对阻止平民在毒气中受害无动于衷，“基地”组织就将从混乱的叙利亚局势中壮大力量。与我们合作的大部分叙利亚人民和反对派仅仅希望有尊严、有自由地生活在和平之中，在任何军事行动过后，我们将加倍努力实现一个政治解决方案，为那些拒绝暴政和极端主义的人们壮大声势。

Finally, many of you have asked: Why not leave this to other countries, or seek solutions short of force? As several people wrote to me, “We should not be the world’s policeman.”
最后，还有很多人问道，为什么不将这一行动留给其他国家去做？为何不寻找除武力之外的解决方法？
I agree, and I have a deeply held preference for peaceful solutions. Over the last two years, my administration has tried diplomacy and sanctions, warning and negotiations -- but chemical weapons were still used by the Assad regime.
你们中的不少人也说，美国不要做“世界警察”。我同意。我其实强烈偏向于和平解决。在过去两年中美国政府尝试了外交手段和制裁措施，发出了警告，也寻求谈判磋商。但是，阿萨德政权仍在使用化学武器。
However, over the last few days, we’ve seen some encouraging signs. In part because of the credible threat of U.S. military action, as well as constructive talks that I had with President Putin, the Russian government has indicated a willingness to join with the international community in pushing Assad to give up his chemical weapons. The Assad regime has now admitted that it has these weapons, and even said they’d join the Chemical Weapons Convention, which prohibits their use.
不过，由于美国有效的军事威胁和我与俄罗斯总统普京进行的有建设性的对话，我们看到，在过去几天里，出现了一些积极信号。俄罗斯政府展现了意愿，愿加入国际社会推促阿萨德放弃化学武器。阿萨德政权现在已经承认拥有这些武器，甚至说他们愿加入禁止化学武器公约。
It’s too early to tell whether this offer will succeed, and any agreement must verify that the Assad regime keeps its commitments. But this initiative has the potential to remove the threat of chemical weapons without the use of force, particularly because Russia is one of Assad’s strongest allies.
这样的提议是否能成功施行，现在来说还为时过早。无论是何种协议，阿萨德政权都必须证明他们能信守承诺。但此提议或可实现在不动用武力的情况下，消除化学武器威胁，尤其在俄罗斯是阿萨德政权最强有力盟友之一的情况下。
I have, therefore, asked the leaders of Congress to postpone a vote to authorize the use of force while we pursue this diplomatic path. I’m sending Secretary of State John Kerry to meet his Russian counterpart on Thursday, and I will continue my own discussions with President Putin. I’ve spoken to the leaders of two of our closest allies, France and the United Kingdom, and we will work together in consultation with Russia and China to put forward a resolution at the U.N. Security Council requiring Assad to give up his chemical weapons, and to ultimately destroy them under international control. We’ll also give U.N. inspectors the opportunity to report their findings about what happened on August 21st. And we will continue to rally support from allies from Europe to the Americas -- from Asia to the Middle East -- who agree on the need for action.
由此，在我们推进外交斡旋的同时，我恳请美国国会的领袖们推迟授权动武的投票。我派出国务卿约翰·克里，他将于本周四(9月12日)与俄罗斯外交人员会晤。我也会继续与普京总统磋商。我已经与我们最亲密的两个盟友国——法国和英国的领导人进行了谈话。我们也将与俄罗斯、中国磋商，共同推动联合国安理会通过决议，要求阿萨德政权放弃化武，并最终在国际社会监督下销毁这些化武。我们也将给予联合国对叙化武调查人员一个机会，让他们将对叙利亚8月21日所发生事件的调查结果公布于世。而且，我们将继续在世界范围内寻求盟友，从欧洲到美洲，从亚洲到中东，寻求那些同意有必要采取行动的盟友的支持。

Meanwhile, I’ve ordered our military to maintain their current posture to keep the pressure on Assad, and to be in a position to respond if diplomacy fails. And tonight, I give thanks again to our military and their families for their incredible strength and sacrifices.
另一方面，我已下令美国军队保持当前对阿萨德政权施压的状态，如果外交途径失败，那么美军将立即作出反应。今晚，我对我们的军队及军属再次致谢，感谢他们强大的力量和牺牲。
My fellow Americans, for nearly seven decades, the United States has been the anchor of global security. This has meant doing more than forging international agreements -- it has meant enforcing them. The burdens of leadership are often heavy, but the world is a better place because we have borne them.
我的美国同胞们，在过去的近七十年里，美国一直是全球安全的靠山。这意味着，美国不仅是在缔造国际协议，还要施行协议。作为领袖，担子通常很重，但在我们的努力下，相信世界会更好。
And so, to my friends on the right, I ask you to reconcile your commitment to America’s military might with a failure to act when a cause is so plainly just. To my friends on the left, I ask you to reconcile your belief in freedom and dignity for all people with those images of children writhing in pain, and going still on a cold hospital floor. For sometimes resolutions and statements of condemnation are simply not enough.
此，我请求右翼的朋友们多加考量，当行动依据充足且正当时，却不作为，这与美国军事力量的承诺不相符。左翼的朋友们，在面对那些冰冷的医院地板上，儿童们因痛苦而翻滚，然后逐渐停止的景象时，我请求你们能将人类自由和尊严的信念与之衡量。因为有些时候，光有决议和谴责声明是不够的。
Indeed, I’d ask every member of Congress, and those of you watching at home tonight, to view those videos of the attack, and then ask: What kind of world will we live in if the United States of America sees a dictator brazenly violate international law with poison gas, and we choose to look the other way?
确实，我请求国会每一位成员以及今晚在家观看电视讲话的人们，看看化武袭击的视频吧，试问：如果美国目睹一位独裁者肆无忌惮地违反国际法使用毒气，却选择视而不见，那么我们将生活在一个怎样的世界里？

Franklin Roosevelt once said, “Our national determination to keep free of foreign wars and foreign entanglements cannot prevent us from feeling deep concern when ideals and principles that we have cherished are challenged.” Our ideals and principles, as well as our national security, are at stake in Syria, along with our leadership of a world where we seek to ensure that the worst weapons will never be used.
(美国前总统)富兰克林·罗斯福曾经说过，我们决心置身于别国战争之外，然而当我们所珍视的理念和准则面临挑战时，并不能阻止我们深切关注。我们的理念和准则，我们的国家安全，以及我们对世界的领导权，我们孜孜以求可怕的武器永不被使用的努力，在叙利亚正岌岌可危。
America is not the world’s policeman. Terrible things happen across the globe, and it is beyond our means to right every wrong. But when, with modest effort and risk, we can stop children from being gassed to death, and thereby make our own children safer over the long run, I believe we should act. That’s what makes America different. That’s what makes us exceptional. With humility, but with resolve, let us never lose sight of that essential truth.
美国不是“世界警察”。世界各地发生了可怕的事情，但我们无法在每一处伸张正义。但是，通过适当努力和冒着一定风险，我们可以让孩子们不再被毒气毒死，从长久来看，未来我们自己的孩子也能更安全。我认为，我们应该采取行动。那将让美国与众不同。让我们抱着谨慎的态度，但同时怀着坚定的决心，让我们永不忘却这一重要事实。
Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.
谢谢大家。愿上帝保佑你们，愿天佑美国。

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gyxzcn 论坛元老粉丝473 关注68 发帖数6961 铜币11673枚贡献值646点好评度3556 来自最后登录2014-09-21 加关注写私信	沙发^# 发布于：2013-09-11 21:20 你哥？？奥巴马？！
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gyxzcn 论坛元老粉丝473 关注68 发帖数6961 铜币11673枚贡献值646点好评度3556 来自最后登录2014-09-21 加关注写私信	地板^# 发布于：2013-09-11 21:22 wkn0802：对啊，你才知道啊回到原帖
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